Media Reportage Of The Agitation For The Sovereign State Of Biafra

For some time now, Nigeria has faced the threat of secession from different groups. Each of the groups feels that the country is not representing their interest. In particular, most of the groups feel that the interest of their people has not been properly represented in terms of power sharing. Nigeria operates a democratic system of government with three tiers namely the executive, the judiciary and the legislature. The country also has six geo-political zones for the purposes of power sharing. This study investigates media reportage of the agitation for the sovereign state of biafra; audience perception of this reporting. The study sought answers to four research questions. Survey research was adopted for the study. A total of 384 respondents were recruited for the study. The questionnaire was the instrument for data collection. The data generated were analysed using both descriptive and inferential statistics. It was found that most of the respondents studied reported high frequency of exposure to media reports on secession agitations. The result also showed that the media of exposure were radio, TV, and newspapers. The sample studied perceived media reports on secession agitations as supporting such actions. The result also showed a significant relationship between exposure to media reports on secession and public perception. The researchers recommend, among others, that the Nigerian Union of journalists should step up their monitoring mechanism to ensure that media reports do not compromise national unity.

Introduction

1.1 Background of the Study

The name Nigeria is claimed to have sprung from the Niger River, which is one of Nigeria"s main rivers today. Lord Lugard, the colonial governor, established the name. Apart from the connection to the Niger River, no other meaning has been derived from the name Nigeria (Uwaechu ,2004). During the powerful wind of nationalism that swept the continent in the 1950s, Nigeria joined other African colonies in agitating for freedom and political independence. Nigeria gained independence and self-rule in 1960, and became a republic in 1963. This autonomous Nigeria, which was characterized by numerous ethnic and cultural groupings, was taken over by the military, which deposed the civilian government of the day in a coup d"etat in 1966, and Gen. Aguiyi Ironsi became Nigeria"s first military head of state. Aguiyi Ironsi"s military regime arrested, jailed, and removed key political office holders, especially from Nigeria"s northern area. The executions of people holding political position were strategically selective, with the majority of those from the South being spared. J. Wogu (2008). The military hierarchy was sown with acrimony and rancor as a result of this. This led in a covert strategy to destabilize and overthrow Ironsi"s military administration, which was in power at the time. In the same year, he was deposed in another brutal coup d"etat. The unitary government created by his immediate predecessor, Gen. Aguiyi Ironsi, was shattered when Yakubu Gowon became the new military head of state in July 1966. Nigeria"s original regional status was restored, with the Eastern, Northern, and Western regions, respectively. Col. Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, the military governor of the Eastern zone, has called for balance, equality, and justice in Nigeria"s political affairs. The Aburi Accord, which took place in Aburi, Ghana, another former British colony in West Africa, was a nonviolent endeavor to settle these perceived political divisions. The conference between the supreme military council of Nigeria and representatives from Eastern Nigeria, headed by Col. Ojikwu, the then military governor of the Eastern area, took place in Aburi, Ghana, and resulted in this agreement Wogu (2008). Lt-General J.A. Ankra, the head of the Ghana National Liberation Council, was also there. The meeting"s main goal was to resolve the political disagreements that have arisen between Northern and Southern Nigerians, which have harmed their mutual existence. Several topics were debated, including leadership, the makeup of the Armed Forces, finance/economics, infrastructure, and even the media. At the end of it all, an agreement and a communiqué were signed. Each region"s delegate was expected to report on the conference"s outcomes to their respective Nigerian areas (Adibe, 2017). "The meeting"s success was then hailed with champagne, and the Nigerians bid the Ghanaians farewell" (http://emeagwali.com/biafra/nigeria-biafra-civil-war-ah). The Nigerian government allegedly did not respect the Aburi agreement made to handle the aforementioned political challenges. The inability of Nigeria"s Federal Government to honor the Aburi Accord, as stated by Ojukwu, resulted in Biafra"s proclamation and the civil war that lasted from 1967 to 1970. By virtue of the authority, and pursuant to the principles recited above, I, Lieutenant-Colonel Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, Military Governor of Eastern Nigeria, do hereby solemnly proclaim that the territory and region known as and called Eastern Nigeria, together with her continental shelf and territorial waters, shall henceforth be an independent sovereign state of the name and title of "The Republic of Biafra." (Ozogwu,1992). The aforementioned announcement was issued on the 30th of May 1966, marking the start of the three-year civil war that destroyed the area. Many historians believe that the effects and injuries inflicted on Nigeria as a result of the civil war have remained relevant in the lives of Nigerians and in the country"s history. "The Nigeria Biafra War, which lasted from 1967 to 1970 has remained a controversial subject in Nigeria and in academic circles," Toyin and Ogechukwu (2016) contend. This is neither a make-up or a purely academic/mental exercise, since recent events have demonstrated that the civil war is still fresh in the minds of Nigerians, particularly those from the country"s south-east and south-south geopolitical zones. Movement for the Actualization of Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), Movement for the Emancipation of Niger Delta (MEND), Independence People of Biafra (IPOB), Niger Delta Avengers (NDA), and other militant and socio-cultural groups, among others, are still saying the same or similar things that led to the Nigeria-Biafra civil war of 1967. even though the issue of resource control, fiscal federalism, and ultimately the creation, total and unconditional independence of the people of Biafra, who are mostly from Nigeria"s current South-Eastern geopolitical zone and some from the current South-South geopolitical zone, are prominent among these groups" demands. These conflicts and agitations have persisted for many years, but since 2015, there seems to have been a revived and re-energized agitation, particularly for the actualization of Biafra as a sovereign state( Adibe,2017). The emergence of Mr. Nnamdi Kalu and the rebirth of the defunct Radio Biafra have given a fresh face to the movement for the establishment of Biafra"s independent state. This has sparked a fresh worldwide political discussion rife with controversies. They also pushed journalists from various media organizations to increase coverage of problems and events emanating from recent agitations, culminating in the demand for the sovereign state of Biafra"s independence. As has been the case in the past, the media has been hard at work doing what they do best, and their different audiences across the world have been attempting to piece together the tales that have emerged from the media"s coverage and reporting on the simmering topic of agitation. As a result, it is obvious that charges of political imbalance in Nigeria persist over five decades after the civil war ended. The inhabitants of Nigeria"s Old Eastern area have continued to clamor for political independence as a result of this. The media has been engaged in this story, both now and in the past, via their constant coverage on the simmering concerns. The substance of media reporting have played a significant part in igniting these agitations, but in other situations, the media has also served as a mediator between the secessionist area and Nigeria"s federal government. The public typically perceives these media reports of various points of view as trustworthy, genuine, authoritative, fair, unfair, seditious, ethnic, and so on. Some other media audiences are also concerned, and some of these media stories are viewed with suspicion (Daily sun,2015).

1.2 Statement of the Problem

Nigeria as a country has a number of issues such as, claims of marginalization among diverse ethnic and cultural groups are prominent among these issues. In Nigeria, there seems to be a political imbalance, and many people believe that significant reasons that escalated the civil war in 1966 have not been resolved (Umechukwu 2001). After the civil war in 1970, Gen. Yakubu Gowon"s military administration stepped in with three policies: reconciliation, rebuilding, and rehabilitation, after pronouncing the conflict "no Victor, no Vanquished (Madiebo,1980)." The goal of the reconciliation strategy was to reintegrate the people of the ancient eastern region into the Nigerian country as a whole. Despite this guideline, war survivors from the area were only awarded £20 (twenty pounds) regardless of their bank account balances. Not only that, but their properties, particularly in the states of Rivers and Lagos, were declared abandoned (Madiebo,1980). One could also believe that the spirit of reconciliation should influence political appointments in this area, but this has not been the case. This is shown by the fact that no Igbo man has been elected President of Nigeria since 1970, and no Igbo man has ever led the army until Goodluck Jonathan"s administration in 2011. These are some of the reasons why some in the area still believe there was no reconciliation and that the Igbos continue to be neglected.

The same could be said of rebuilding and rehabilitation, since no new buildings were built in the area after the civil war. In reality, in the North and West, where there was no conflict, rehabilitation and other government programs are more noticeable. People in the area continue to complain about marginalization and inequity in the distribution of political posts, contract awards, and political initiatives, among other things. As a result, there has been renewed movement for the sovereign state of Biafra"s independence. The media, on the other hand, has been following and reporting on these concerns since their creation. It"s important to figure out how media audiences react to these news. As a result, it is necessary to investigate media coverage of the Movement for the Sovereign State of Biafra.

1.3 Objective of the study

The primary objective of the study is examine the media reportage of the agitation for the sovereign state of Biafra: a case study of public perception. Specifically, the study aims;

To evaluate the frequency of exposure to media reports on agitation for the sovereign state of Biafra

To investigate the media in which the public get exposed to reports on agitation for the sovereign state of Biafra

To determine the public perception of media position on agitation for the sovereign state of Biafra in Nigeria

To examine the relationship between media coverage of agitation for the sovereign state of Biafra and public perception about such agitations.

1.4 Research Questions

The following questions have been prepared for the study

What is the frequency of exposure to media reports on agitation for the sovereign state of Biafra?

Through which media do the public get exposed to reports on agitation for the sovereign state of Biafra?

What is public perception of media position on agitation for the sovereign state of Biafra in Nigeria?

What is the relationship between media coverage of agitation for the sovereign state of Biafra and public perception about such agitations?

1.5 Hypothesis of the Study

The study formulated and tested the following hypothesis in order to achieve the research main objective;

Ho: There is no significant relationship between media coverage of agitation for the sovereign state of Biafra and public perception about such agitations

Hi: There is a significant relationship between media coverage of agitation for the sovereign state of Biafra and public perception about such agitations

1.6 Significance of the Study

The study examines Media Reportage of the Agitation for the Sovereign State of Biafra: A case study of Public Perception

The study will be of benefit to the Nigerian broadcasting commission as it will regulate the kind of news report been printed out by the media houses.

The study will be of benefit to the Nigerian government in the sense that it will make recommendation on how government and the people of Biafra can reach a compromise .

The study will be of benefit to the academic community as it will contribute to the existing literature.

1.7 Scope of the study

This study focuses on Media Reportage of the Agitation for the Sovereign State of Biafra: A case study of Public Perception. The study will also evaluate the role played by the media in the reportage of the agitation for the sovereign state of Biafra. The study will further examine public perception on the report by the media on the agitation for the sovereign state of Biafra. More so the study will examine if media coverage and reportage have contributed to increase in the agitation for the sovereign state of Biafra. Lastly, the study will find out how the Nigerian government and the people of Biafra can reach a compromise and put a stop to the agitation for secession. Hence the study will be delimited to Anambra state.

1.8 Limitation of the Study

This study was constrained by a number of factors which are as follows:

Just like any other research, ranging from unavailability of needed accurate materials on the topic under study, inability to get data

Financial constraint , was faced by the researcher ,in getting relevant materials and in printing and collation of questionnaires

Time factor: time factor pose another constraint since having to shuttle between writing of the research and also engaging in other academic work making it uneasy for the researcher

1.9 Definition of Terms

Media Reportage:

The form of presentation of stories on displaced persons by the media

Agitation:

The act or an instance of agitating something.

1.10 Organization of the Study

This research work is organized in five chapters, for easy understanding, as follows.

Chapter one is concern with the introduction, which consist of the (overview, of the study), historical background, statement of problem, objectives of the study, research hypotheses, significance of the study, scope and limitation of the study, definition of terms and historical background of the study.

Chapter two highlights the theoretical framework on which the study is based, thus the review of related literature.

Chapter three deals on the research design and methodology adopted in the study.

Chapter four concentrate on the data collection and analysis and presentation of finding.

Chapter five gives summary, conclusion, and recommendations made of the study.

Summary, Conclusions and Recommendations:

5.1 Introduction

This chapter summarizes the findings on the media reportage of the agitation for the sovereign state of biafra: a case study of public perception, using Onitsha metropolis, Anambra State as case study. The chapter consists of summary of the study, conclusions, and recommendations.

5.2 Summary of the Study

In this study, our focus was on the media reportage of the agitation for the sovereign state of biafra: a case study of public perception, using Onitsha metropolis, Anambra State as case study. The study is was specifically focused on evaluating the frequency of exposure to media reports on agitation for the sovereign state of Biafra, investigating the media in which the public get exposed to reports on agitation for the sovereign state of Biafra, determining the public perception of media position on agitation for the sovereign state of Biafra in Nigeria and examining the relationship between media coverage of agitation for the sovereign state of Biafra and public perception about such agitations.
The study adopted the survey research design and randomly enrolled participants in the study. A total of 361 responses were validated from the enrolled participants where all respondent are residents of onitsha metropolis.

5.3 Conclusions

With respect to the analysis and the findings of this study, the following conclusions emerged;

Based on the result of this study, the researcher concludes that the general public perceive media reportage of such agitations as largely in favour of such agitations. The researchers also concludes that media reportage of separatist agitations significantly influence the way members of the public perceive such agitations.

This result has made theoretical, practical and scholarly contributions. Theoretically, the results have contribute to our understanding of the mediatisation theory by showing how media reports influence public perception. In practical terms, the results of this study could be beneficial to journalists in reporting separatist agitations. It could also be useful for policy advocacy regarding media management and control. This study adds to other existing literature on media effect.

The researcher also forecasts that the problem of agitations for separation may continue in Nigeria if serious issues bordering on perceived injustice are not addressed. This also means that the media in Nigeria must actively be involved in educating the general public on the need to avoid violent protests and agitations.

5.4 Recommendation

The following recommendations are made:

The Nigerian Union of Journalists should step up their monitoring mechanisms of journalists covering separatist agitations. This is essential because inappropriate report on such agitations could be inimical to national security.

The is the need for the Nigerian Press Council to come up with stringent measures that will guide against media reports on separatist agitations that could be dangerous to the corporate existence of Nigeria. Such mea- sures could include expulsion of defaulting journalists or prosecution of both.

Further studies should be conducted in other parts of Nigeria to give room of generalisation.

Title Page

Certification

Dedication

Acknowledgement

Table of Content

List of Tables

Abstract

Chapter One:

Introduction

1.1 Background of the Study

1.2 Statement of the Problem

1.3 Objective of the Study

1.4 Research Questions

1.5 Research Hypothesis

1.6 Significance of the Study

1.7 Scope of the Study

1.8 Limitation of the Study

1.9 Definition of Terms

1.10 Organisations of the Study

Chapter Two:

Review of Literature

2.1 Conceptual Framework

2.2 Theoretical Framework

2.3 Empirical Review

Chapter Three:

Research Methodology

3.1 Research Design

3.2 Population of the Study

3.3 Sample Size Determination

3.4 Sample Size Selection Technique and Procedure

3.5 Research Instrument and Administration

3.6 Method of Data Collection

3.7 Method of Data Analysis

3.8 Validity of the Study

3.9 Reliability of the Study

3.10 Ethical Consideration

Chapter Four:

Data Presentation and Analysis

4.1 Data Presentation

4.2 Analysis of Data

4.3 Answering Research Questions

4.4 Test of Hypotheses

Chapter Five:

Summary, Conclusion and Recommendation

5.1 Summary

5.2 Conclusion

5.3 Recommendation

References

APPENDIX

QUESTIONNAIRE

• Nigerians Perception Of Media Reportage Of Female Politician And Aspirants In Nigeria
• Media Reportage Of Kidnapping In Nigeria
• Mass Media Reportage Of Crusade Against Boko Haram
• Audience Assessment Of Media Ownership On Reportage Of Endsars Protest
• Investigation Of Public Perception On The Role Of Mass Media In Reportage Of The Hate Speech Bill
• Audience Perception Of Media Reportage Of Economic Recession In Nigeria
• Critical Appraisal Of The Influence Of Social Media On News Reportage And Authenticity

• Mass Communication Project Topics and Materials