Implication Of Political Violence To Nigerian Democracy

INTRODUCTION

1.1 BACKGROUND TO THIS STUDY

According to American English dictionary violence is an action which causes destruction, pain or suffering. Encyclopedia of the social science defined violence as the illegal employment of methods of physical coercion for personal or group ends.

According to Adekanya in (Alfa & Otaida 2012) an objective review of Nigerian political journey would reveal that political violence has been part and parcel of the country’s history. Political violence is an aspect of political behaviour which may be demonstrated in the form of thugery, vandalism, riot etc the presence of political violence therefore implies the existence of political instability.

Political stability implies the absence of political violence or where political violence is reduced to the barest minimum instability is expressed through political violence, frequent change of government.

Political violence and political instability are related concept, they are dialectical in nature. The phenomenon of political is of relevant to Nigeria’s political history. Political violence has accompanied almost all the elections so far held in Nigeria, right from the period of colonialism to the present day. There is extreme lack of trust and respect for opposition forces. No country can develop in an atmosphere of rancor and acrimony. Nigeria would be one of the leading economics of world, but its movement has been anti-clock wise due to largely the fact of monumental resources are channeled into security votes, conflict resolution and reconstruction as a result of perennial political violence which has resulted to democratic instability.

In Nigeria, politics is seen as do or die affair, it is war in the sense that the way and manner, tactics and instrument employed, it is termed ad referred to as a game or battle of the aggressor and the aggressed.

The major concern of this research work is to examine, attempt an explanation of the trend’s and factors responsible for the eruption of political violence in Nigeria, as well as the damages done to the stability of the Nigerian democracy as a result of the employment of political violence in the name of politics.

This work will finally present suggestion and strategy to reduce violence in the polity. This research work critically examines the impact of political violence to the stability of Nigerian democracy. These chapters, we first undertook the introduction, statement of the problem, objective, significance, theoretical framework, hypotheses, methodology, scope and limitations. Chapter two dealt with literature review, chapter address and ethnicity, chapter four talks on political violence at the 2019 general election. This project ended with chapter five on summary, recommendation and conclusion.

THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE PHENOMENON OF POLITICAL VIOLENCE IN NIGERIA

THE POLITICAL PERIOD

It was the colonial setting which laid the foundation for future political violence in Nigeria. In this regard we will examine the pre-independence politics as well as instances of political violence as being the stuff of which the post-independence crises have been shaped. By 1954, British colonial power had been consolidated in several parts of Nigeria, although pockets of resistance once continued much later. The northern and southern territories were amalgamated in 1914. Sir Fedrick Lugard becomes its first Governor General with Lagos as its capital. Provisions of were made for the establishment of an executive council. The latter had neither legislative nor executive powers.

In 1922, a legislative council was set up in Lagos to legislate for the colony and Southern provinces these laws were applicable to the Northern provinces through the special proclamation of the Governor. The southern provinces were divided into two administrative units in 1939-the East and West provinces. However, the legislative council remained unchanged until 1946 when Richard’s Constitution was introduced, until this date there was virtually no political contact between the South and the North. The divisive cultural tendencies in Nigeria were accentuated by wide variations in the general patterns and traditions of public administration.

In Northern Nigeria, British administration was instituted in the principal of direct rule; this system was ideally suited to the large-scale indigenous states of Hausa land.

In Southern Nigeria, the policy of indirect rule was less successful for example, although the indigenous political system of the Yoruba was characterized by a central authority, it was not at autocratic and only through some adjustments was it possible to build a sort in indirect rule on such a foundation. But as for the Ibo and other people of the South Eastern Nigeria, the policy of indirect was entirely unsuited to their indigenous political of dispersed authority. The attempt of the colonial government to impose the policy of indirect rule on them produced strong against the colonial government.

The Richard’s Constitution of 1946 provided for the division of Nigeria into three governmental regions, each built around one of the major ethnic  groups, the North (Hausa-fulani) the West Yoruba) and the East (Ibo). This constitution built a pattern of political competition between the regions into the independence constitutional settlement. Each of the dominant group had its own history tradition, religion and language and the jealousies of these dominant ethnic groups dominated Nigerian politics until the army coup of January 1966.

Within each region, there were numerous other people with a great variety of languages, religions, customs, including such important minorities as the Tiv and other groups of the middle-Belt in Northern Nigeria, the Efiks, and Ibibios of the East, and the Benin’s and Urhobos of the West. Some of these groups had no historical relationship with the dominant group in its –regions. As awolowo aptly remarked, the minorities thus created were “at a considerable disadvantage when they are forced to be in the midst of other people who differ from them in language, culture and historical background.” The dominant status of each major ethnic group in their respective regions gave rise to separatist movements among many of the ethnic minority groups.

A fatal imbalance in the Nigerian federal structure was that the North alone was larger in size and population than the other regions combined. This fact made the federal principle more difficult to uphold, since fear or domination by the north was real and difficult to remove. The situation was aggravated by the fact that although the southern parts of Nigeria were and remain, more educationally and economically developed than the northern part, yet in federal politics the northerners dominated.

The North throughout the pre-independence era and first republic was able to hold the southern regions to ransom merely because of its size and population and since the dominant party of the north was determined to hold power at all costs, political violence occurred. The danger was that whichever region had control of the centre through its dominant political fate of all other regions. But before we go further, it is instructive to look at the colonial or pre-independence situation for instance of violence political protests by Nigerians. These violent protests are political in the sense that they are revolts directed against political authority, these includes:

The Egba uprising or Adubi war of 1918, this uprising was occasioned by accumulated grievances over the administrative innovation of the British authority, especially the imposition of direct taxation in 1918 to replace the existing system of forced labour. The Egba Kingdom in yorubaland had retained a substantial measure of autonomy until 1914, when the independence treaty governing is relation to the British government terminated and indirect rule was established. The uprising was not only a response to the frustration felt at the continuance of the system of forced labour, but also resulted from the dehumanizing oppression of far, dwellers by native administration officials in the district and the introduction of poll tax. The imposition of poll tax on top of the accumulated grievances in the people resulted in a bloody confrontations in the districts between some soldiers and Egba hunters. Hundreds of people lost their lives, including European and one prominent chief.

The violence which became widespread in Egbaland also resulted in the destruction of much property. Another example of political violence was the Aba women riots of 1929. The rumor that women were to be taxed and the abuses of native courts members and warrant chiefs led to a women’s movement that spread through calabarland. Owerri provinces from December 1929 to January 1930. During the women’s revolt, chiefs and Europeans were attacked indiscriminately and there was wide spread destruction of property, belonging mainly to the trading firms. In the ensuing confrontation between the armed forces and the women rioters, female casualties were fifty five (55) dead and over fifty (50) wounded.

There was also Enugu colliery strike of 1949, what started as a purely industrial dispute quickly became political violence and agitation. The enugu colliery strike of 18^th November 1949, led to the fatal shooting of twenty-one miners.

The shooting incident triggered off widespread disturbances in various parts of Eastern regions of Nigeria, Port Harcourt, Calabar, Aba and Onitsha. Before we close this section on the colonial background to political violence in Nigerian politics. We will examine some examples of political conflicts and violence arising from the deep and unresolved tensions inherent in the Nigerian situation, which led northerners to fear southern domination in a self governing Nigeria and southerners to feel frustrated war the slow of pace of decolonization.

A fundamental basis of political conflict between the southern and northern politicians, before independence, lies in the socio-economic disparities between the two areas. The social and economic indicators showed that the south was more developed than the north. The economic and political lag encouraged a struggle for power between the North and the south and fashioned a situation which made possible violent conflict between them. In essence, the Northern privileged classes felt that they would be worse off in the intra-class struggle for the national wealth. The southern lead in the modernization process during the colonial era increased their mobilizing assets as well as their greater control over access to government and other public offices relative to the less modernized north. The south dominance in administration and economic activities in both the Northern and Southern regions brought about sharp reactions by the Northern privileged class who felt their positions in the power structure threatened.

The general conference at Ibadan in 1950 is a good example to political conflict arising over the distribution of power between the north and the south. In that conference, both the southern and northern ruling classes were determined to get a favourable share in the control and operation of the government at the centre. In particular, regional representation, ministerial responsibility and regional political boundaries. The most controversial issue was that of representation in the federal legislature. The northern delegation demanded fifty percent of the seats and warned that an equal representation for the north, east and west in the federal legislative would not be tolerated. The North threatened secession from the rest of Nigeria if their demand was not met. The southerners favoured equality of regional representation at the centre. In the end, the northern region was fifty percent of the federal representation.

From the pattern and nature of discussion at the conference, it was clear that the northern ruling class were suspicious of the intentions of their southern counterparts. This provided the background for the political violence in Kano state in 1953.

The 1953 Kano violence was the first collective outburst between southerners and the northerner’s factors of the privilege classes. Or more correctly, between the major political parties the NPC, the AG and the NCNC, which were contending for influence or control were the operations of the government in the centre. In violence, the southern parties the AG and the NCNC faced the opposition of the Northern party Enahoro moved in the house of representative that this house accepts as a primary political objective the attainment of self government in Nigeria, in 1956, Alhaji Ahmadu Bello, the Sarduana of Sokoto and leader of the NPC, moved an amendment to the above motion by changing the word in 1956 to as soon as practicable. The ensuing debate was bitter and ended in protest at the Northern attitude. After the adjournment of the House of Representatives, the Northern members were subjected to insults and abuse by Lagos crowds, and during the ensuing weeks they were ridiculed and strongly criticized by the Southern press. Upon their return to the North they determined never to be subjected to such indignities again, they went ahead to announce an eight point programme which if implemented would have meant virtual secession of the North from Nigeria.

This action attracted even greater criticizing from the Southern press and from the AG and NCNC leaders. Leaders of the AG and NCNC then undertook to send delegation to Northern cities to campaign for self government in 1956.

One such delegation led by Chief S.L Akintola of AG scheduled a tight meeting in Kano at the very height of the North-South tension. This led to a chain of events culminating in four days of rioting in Kano sabongari which resulted to two hundred and seventy-seven casualties, including thirty-six deaths. Conflict of this nature among various fractions of the privileged classes led essentially to the death and injury of the members of the under privileged strata and it was this privileged classes whose intra-class struggle for wealth and power that was essentially responsible for the emergence and persistence of political violence in Nigeria politics.

The 1953 violence was obviously an intensified continuation of the national conflict between the Nigerian parties.

The Northerners rioted because the Northern privileged class felt that they would be disadvantaged by the distribution of power and wealth in an independent Nigeria in 1956, the aftermath of all these were the breakdown of the Macpherson constitution of 1951. Consequently, a conference form the review of the Macpherson constitution was held in London from 30^th July to 22^nd August 1953. The London conference and another one in Lagos early 1954 produced a new constitution, the Littleton constitution.

Under the new constitution, Nigeria became a federation of three regions each of which exercised full legislative and executive authority within its area of jurisdiction. The 1954 constitution was the basis of all further constitutional changes which culminated in the establishment of an independent Nigeria on first October, 1960 and later the federal Republic of Nigeria on October first 1963.

With the 1954 federal elections the NPC and the NCNC formed a coalition government with AG in opposition. Under this arrangement, each party concentrated on consolidating its power in its own region of primary strength. The AG and the NCNC sought to compete on a nation-wide NPC, was at the same time the opposition party in the Western region and a strong ally of the Nigeria elements progression Union (NEPU), a party which opposed the NPC in the North.

These ominous developments have proved to be mere dress rehearsals for the violent eruption of the 1960s. in this regard the various cases of political violence especially the Kano violence was epitomatic, conflict among various factions of the privilege classes led essentially to the death and injury of the members of the underprivileged strata.

1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Political violence is an endemic feature of most third world political system, especially Nigeria, where political violence,  expressed through different means has become an essential  characteristics of the political process and theory endangering the stability of the Nigeria’s political system. The phenomenon concept political violence is traced to Nigeria political history.  It contributed to demise of civilian rule in the first and second republic of Nigeria.

This is demonstrated by the political turbulence in Tiv division and Western Nigeria in the 1960’s the collapse of the first republic on 15^th January, 1966 and only July 1973 and Nigerian civil war—political violence in Nigeria has brought instability of our democratic system. These are also other manifestation of political system, such as the incidence of violence that followed the 1964 federal election as well as the 1983 general election that was fought with undue bitterness, rancor, hostility and acrimony. The result was the demise of the second republic on the 31^st of December, 1983, the counter coup of August 27^th 1985 that brought General Ibrahim Babangida to power as well as the various abortive coup attempts on the regime at different periods, has proven the level of instability in the system.

Indeed, the quest for power among Nigerians often lead to the tendency to cling to power by all means has indeed, generated so much tension and hostilities in Nigeria, as well as most developing democracies of the world.

Put differently, there is the problem of general lack of the tradition of obedience to the rules of the game. The ultimate consequence and occurrence of the above analysis are political violence and inherent instability to the Nigerian democracy.

1.3 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

These are some of the questions the study is designed to examine and answer.

• What are the causes of political violence in Nigerian Political system
• Why has the Nigerian state been characterized by instability since the beginning of the Nigerian democracy
• What are the ways of reducing political violence and prospect of achieving political stability in Nigeria’s democracy

1.4 OBJECTIVE OF THE STUDY

The objective of this study is to find out the causes, effects and solutions to political violence and instability of Nigerian democracy.

• To find out and demonstrate the contribution of political violence to political and economic instability of the Nigerian state. In this manner, it is hoped that the study of political violence in Nigeria may show how it could be used to refer to the political violence and instability associated with most developing or underdevelopment countries of the world.
• To find out the different obstacles that militate against the achievement of political stability in Nigeria
• To expose some manifest and political signs of political violence and some detestabilizing forces in the forthcoming fifth republic
• To propose a possible strategy for political stability in Nigeria fifth republic

1.5 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

The significance of this research work is to throw more light on the existing political theories on political violence and stability. Though most research works have the same academic and practical significance.

Furthermore, the study will address the nature and pattern of political violence from the colonial period to the present day Nigeria. On the other aspect, I believe that the application of the recommendations thereof will address and create solution to the problem of political violence and instability in Nigeria which will certainly create suitable and congenial environment for the citizenry and foreigners who operate in Nigeria.

1.6 DEFINITION OF CONCEPTS

Hooliganism: Violence or destructive behaviour by young people e.g. political hooliganism

Vandalism: The behaviour of persons who purposely and pointless damages or destroys public property or building e.g. vandals.

Accentricity: A specialized way of pronouncing winds in particular area or way of life e.g. Igbo accent.

Elliptical: A elliptical of speaking. A figure of speech in which a world or wind needed for the sense grammar are omitted, but understood.

Autonomy: The power or right of a country to govern itself, a state of independent control.

Epitomatic: Something that in a small way perfectly represents a larger or wider idea, issue.

Panacea: A cure for everything, a panacea of all ills.

Democracy: A system of government where people select their leader through election

Stability: The quality of being stable, more formal than steady firm and well balanced.

Violence: A great roughness and force, often causing severe physical violence.

Cleavage: A split. A cleavage in the rock, the space between a women’s breast

Rigging: To manage or control illegally or dishonestly e.g. election rigging.

Facism: A nationalistic and anticommunist system of government like Italy.